Introduction
Following the release of the Becoming Brigitte book by Xavier Poussard, it is clear that the Macrons were surrounded by various pedophile groups / scandals. I intend to research some of these to understand them better, many of which I have never heard of. In effect I will collect information on, understand, and try to summarise some pieces of the pedophilic jigsaw surrounding the Macrons.
One pedophile scandal that affected the Macrons although one that they were not directly connected to is that of the British photographer David Hamilton. He is mentioned in the book as a notorious British pedocriminal yet I had never heard of him, despite writing for ten years about child abuse. This is one of many leads that are worth following up in Xavier Poussard’s book.
David Hamilton
Hamilton was a famous British photographer born on 15 April 1933 and died 25 November 2016. He grew up in London but moved to Paris when he was 20 and was far more famous in France than Britain.
Hamilton’s signature style was soft focus photographs of early-teen girls who were often nude or semi nude.
One of Hamilton’s most famous books was The Age of Innocence which is a 1995 photography and poetry book. It contains images of early-teen girls, often nude, accompanied by lyrical poetry. Images are in a boudoir setting and photographed mainly in colour using a soft-focus filter.
He was at the edge of the “Is it art or pornography?” debate at various times.
In 2005, a man in the UK was convicted for being in possession of 19,000 images of children, including photos by Hamilton. The images were found to be indecent but with the lowest indecency rating.
In 2010, a man was convicted of level 1 child pornography for owning four books, including Hamilton's The Age of Innocence.
Clearly individuals should not be prosecuted for buying what is on sale from retailers, and the publisher or retailer should have been legally tackled. The accusatorial British legal system is designed to keep the population under control, and allow the “elite” to go free, so it is in that context that this happened.
Hamilton Rape Allegations
Being at the edge of the art / porn debate is one thing but then in October 2016, French television presenter Flavie Flament accused Hamilton of raping her when she was 13 years old, in 1987.
In November 2016, in the French magazine L'Obs, three other former models anonymously claimed that they were also raped by Hamilton as teenagers. A pattern of predatory behaviour was suggested in which Hamilton would approach young girls on beaches or streets, charm their parents, and isolate them for private shoots that turned abusive. This was said to have happened in locations like Cap d’Agde, a naturist resort where he owned property. Hamilton issued a statement threatening legal action against his accusers and claimed that he did not do anything wrong. On 25 November 2016, he was found dead in his Paris apartment by apparent suicide aged 83.
There had already been an outcry in France, that no action had been able to be taken against Hamilton due to the French statute of limitations on rape and sexual abuse. At that time, the latest that a prosecution could be brought was 20 years from the victim achieving the age of 18 for rape, and within 10 years for sexual abuse.
"Consensus Conference on the Statute of Limitations for Sexual Violence Against Minors"
Laurence Rossignol, the French Minister for Families, Children, and Women's Rights, quickly asked Flament to lead a body that would consider extending the statute of limitations. It was called "Conférence de consensus sur la prescription des violences sexuelles sur mineurs" which translates as "Consensus Conference on the Statute of Limitations for Sexual Violence Against Minors".
The conference gathered experts, victims, and stakeholders to discuss and propose recommendations on potentially extending the statute of limitations for cases of sexual abuse against minors in France. The first formal meeting was on December 13, 2016, with multiple sessions over several months to gather testimony from legal professionals, psychologists, victim advocates as well as victims. The process involved public consultations and closed-door discussions, with meetings documented as occurring primarily between December 2016 and March 2017. For example, a significant session took place on January 17, 2017, where joint chairs Flament and Calmettes outlined the scope, focusing on the psychological barriers, like traumatic amnesia, that delay victims’ ability to come forward.
It submitted its final report on March 31, 2017 to Laurence Rossignol and was made public shortly thereafter. It recommended extending the statute of limitations for sexual crimes against minors from 20 years to 30 years after the victim reaches the age of majority, i.e., until age 48, acknowledging the time needed for victims to process trauma and seek justice. (Incidentally I cannot find a copy, if anyone has a link or a copy please state in comments).
However the report stopped short of advocating for full imprescriptibility, ie. no time limit, arguing that such a change would conflict with French legal tradition, where only crimes against humanity are imprescriptible, [5] [2].
Macron became President
The final report was March 31 2017, and the French Presidential Elections were April 23 2017 and May 7 2017 in which Macron became the youngest ever President.
The final report recommended an extention of the statute of limitations. If there was any suggestion that Brigitte had been involved with Emmanuel when he was of inappropriate age this was possibly very tricky issue for the Macron’s. If the recommended time was implemented retroactively, then Emmanuel would be 48 on 21 Dec 2025 and thus Brigitte could possibly be charged until 21 Dec 2025. Furthermore if various details of the Macrons’ relationship were leaked it could have been a public relations disaster.
The Schiappa Law of August 3, 2018 implemented the Report’s suggested 30-year extension for certain sexual crimes against minors, [7a]. The Macrons reputation was unscathed it seems, protected by a huge PR effort by the compliant French media.
Updated 2025 Mar 8 Comment added to this article The Schiappa Law, named after Marlene Schiappa, self declared sapiosexual, who was later promoted secretary of state by Macron and proceeded to do some very unsavoury things with the public purse before posing for Playboy Magazine and having to resign. Needless to say, she was recently rewarded with a Légion d'honneur!
That Schiappa was promoted to Secretary of State and rewarded with the Legion d’Honneur may well indicate that she was being rewarded for a job well done in protecting the Macrons vis a vis the Schiappa law. See also added Grok answers.
Discussion
Hamilton’s pedophilic abuse against at least 4 girls in the 1980’s came to influence French law 40 years later, primarily because Flavie Flament told the truth in her book which did not even name him. This is an encouragement for survivors of child abuse to tell their stories.
The Schiappa law that was brought in on the recommendation of the committee that was co chaired by Flament, is relevant to the Brigitte / Emmanuel pedophilia case. Emmanuel Macron will turn 48 on Dec 21 2025 and so Brigitte, whether she is Jean Michel Trogneux or not, perhaps could be brought to justice for crimes of pedocriminality against Emmanuel until the end of this year?
This maybe unlikely bearing in mind that they control levers of power. Apart from that Grok appears to think that the 2018 extension does not revive already time barred cases, and that a 2021 law on stricter rules on consent and authority figures does not apply retroactively. The case is closed unless extraordinary evidence of a post-2021 offence, [Grok10].
But Grok is not the arbiter, and perhaps people should make noise about this. Brigitte groomed Emmanuel, undoubtedly. Should she / he be allowed to get away with brainwashing a child and taking advantage sexually?
The Macron’s though, after the law was passed, would possibly be more susceptible to blackmail than ever, so that the truth did not come out.
Previous Post on Brigitte Macron
foxblog3 Macroni Baloney [fb32517]
David Hamilton
Links
[1] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_Hamilton_(photographer)
[2] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Flavie_Flament
[3] David Hamilton photographs https://persaudlab.jhmi.edu/david-hamilton-photographs
[4] https://web.archive.org/web/20130517130113/https://www.gala.fr/l_actu/news_de_stars/sexy_flavie_flament_114570
[5] Photographer David Hamilton found dead https://www.dw.com/en/controversial-british-photographer-david-hamilton-found-dead/a-36533078
[6] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Age_of_Innocence_(Hamilton_book)
[7] 2025 Xavier Poussard Becoming Brigitte
[7a] Page 71
Grok
I have quote Grok as a refence sometimes. Grok has limitations, sometimes it is completely wrong. It is better for use at some tasks than others. Use it with care and check the information that comes from any AI. It can also just repeat official misinformation and disinformation.
Grok 1
Timeline
Can you make me a brief timeline connecting events in 2016 of Hamilton and Macrons election ?
Here’s a concise timeline connecting key events in 2016 related to David Hamilton’s controversy and Emmanuel Macron’s path to the French presidential election, focusing on their respective developments during that year. Note that these events are largely independent but occurred in the same timeframe, reflecting different spheres—cultural controversy and political ascent—in France.
April 6, 2016: Emmanuel Macron launches "En Marche!" in Amiens, France, marking the start of his political movement and fueling speculation about his presidential ambitions, distancing himself from the Socialist government of François Hollande.
August 30, 2016: Macron resigns as France’s Economy Minister, fully committing to his independent presidential bid, a pivotal step toward his 2017 campaign.
October 25, 2016: Flavie Flament publishes La Consolation, alleging she was raped at 13 by a famous photographer—later confirmed as David Hamilton—sparking public outrage and reviving scrutiny of Hamilton’s work and past behavior.
November 16, 2016: Macron officially declares his candidacy for the French presidency, positioning himself as a centrist outsider just as the Hamilton scandal begins to escalate with additional accusers emerging.
November 25, 2016: David Hamilton is found dead in his Paris apartment, with authorities suggesting suicide amid mounting allegations of sexual assault from Flament and others, effectively ending any legal pursuit as Macron’s campaign gains momentum.
December 1, 2016: President François Hollande announces he won’t seek re-election, clearing a path for Macron and other candidates, while the Hamilton case continues to stir public debate about accountability and abuse in France.
While Hamilton’s scandal and Macron’s rise don’t directly intersect, both unfolded in 2016 against a backdrop of shifting French societal and political currents—Hamilton’s death closing a dark chapter, and Macron’s campaign signaling a new political era, culminating in his election victory in May 2017.
Grok 2
David Hamilton was a British photographer and filmmaker, born on April 15, 1933, in London, and died on November 25, 2016, in Paris. He became widely known in the 1970s and 1980s for his distinctive photographic style, often characterized by soft-focus, pastel-toned images of young, frequently nude or semi-nude adolescent girls. His work, which he described as capturing the "age of innocence," was both commercially successful and deeply controversial, selling millions of books and prints while drawing criticism for its erotic undertones.
Hamilton’s career began after moving to France in the 1950s, where he initially worked as a graphic designer for magazines like Elle and later as an art director for Queen magazine in London and the Printemps department store in Paris. By 1966, at age 33, he transitioned into professional photography, quickly gaining fame for his signature "Hamiltonian blur," achieved using techniques like vaseline-smeared lenses or stockings over the camera. His images appeared in popular magazines such as Réalités, Twen, and Photo, and his books, like Rêves de jeunes filles (1971), became cultural phenomena. He also directed several erotic films between 1977 and 1984, including Bilitis, Laura, les ombres de l'été, Tendres Cousines, and Premiers Désirs, which mirrored the aesthetic of his photography.
In the 2000s, as societal attitudes shifted and awareness of pedophilia grew, Hamilton’s work faced increasing scrutiny. Critics and activists accused him of promoting pedocriminality by sexualizing minors, a charge that intensified when allegations of direct abuse emerged. In October 2016, French television and radio presenter Flavie Flament published La Consolation, a memoir in which she described being raped at 13 by a famous photographer during a shoot in the mid-1980s. Though she initially withheld the name, speculation quickly pointed to Hamilton, and she later confirmed it was him in an interview with L’Obs. Following her revelation, other women came forward with similar accusations, alleging Hamilton had assaulted them as teenagers during photo sessions, often in locations like Cap d’Agde, a naturist resort where he owned property. Some described a predatory pattern: Hamilton would approach young girls on beaches or streets, charm their parents, and isolate them for private shoots that turned abusive.
Hamilton denied the allegations, issuing a statement in November 2016 claiming his innocence and threatening defamation lawsuits. However, on November 25, 2016, shortly after these accusations gained widespread attention, he was found dead in his Paris apartment at age 83. Authorities suggested suicide, noting medications and a plastic bag near his body, though no definitive cause was publicly confirmed. His death extinguished any possibility of legal accountability, as it ended potential investigations into the claims, leaving victims like Flament to grapple with what she called his "cowardice" in avoiding justice.
The accusations reframed Hamilton’s legacy. Once celebrated in pop culture—his style influencing advertisements and even appearing in galleries worldwide—his work is now widely viewed through the lens of exploitation and abuse. While some defend his art as a product of its time, reflecting the looser moral boundaries of the 1970s, others argue it was a veneer for predatory behavior. The lack of prosecution, due to statutes of limitations and his death, means the full extent of his actions remains unproven in a legal sense, but the testimonies paint a damning picture of a man who allegedly used his artistic platform to target vulnerable minors.
Grok 3
Timeline: David Hamilton Affair, Statute of Limitations, Schiappa Law, and Pedophile Lobby Efforts
2004: The Perben II Law extends the statute of limitations for rape of a minor in France to 20 years after the victim reaches adulthood (age 18), setting the cutoff at age 38. This is the legal framework in place when the Hamilton allegations emerge later, limiting prosecution for older cases.
October 25, 2016: Flavie Flament publishes La Consolation, alleging David Hamilton raped her at age 13 in 1987. At 42, she is four years past the statute of limitations (age 38), sparking outrage that Hamilton cannot be prosecuted due to the time limit.
November 17-25, 2016: Three more women accuse Hamilton of similar assaults from their teenage years, all beyond the statute due to their current ages (40s and 50s). Hamilton denies the claims but is found dead on November 25, 2016, in a suspected suicide, intensifying calls to extend the statute of limitations.
Late 2016 - Early 2017: The Hamilton affair amplifies public and activist pressure to reform French laws on sexual violence, including the statute of limitations and age of consent. Flament urges other victims to come forward, hoping some cases might still fall within the 20-year limit, while advocates like Ernestine Ronai argue for a 30-year extension from adulthood (to age 48).
January 26, 1977 (Historical Context): Decades earlier, a notable "pedophile lobby" effort emerges when 69 French intellectuals, including Jean-Paul Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir, sign a petition in Le Monde defending three men detained for non-violent sexual relations with 12- and 13-year-olds (the Affaire de Versailles). They argue minors have a "capacity for discernment" to consent, pushing against age-of-consent laws and suggesting 13 as a reasonable threshold. This reflects a broader 1970s movement among some French elites to normalize sexual relations with minors.
May 1977 (Historical Context):Another petition, signed by figures like Michel Foucault, calls for equalizing homosexual and heterosexual ages of consent, indirectly challenging restrictions on sexual relations with minors. A 1979 petition in Libération defends a man arrested for relations with girls aged 6-12, showing the persistence of this advocacy.
November 12, 2017: Marlène Schiappa, France’s Equality Minister, announces plans for a new law on sexual violence, including setting a minimum age of consent (debated between 13 and 15) and extending the statute of limitations. The Hamilton case, alongside two high-profile 2017 acquittals of men who had sex with 11-year-old girls (due to lack of proven coercion), drives this push. Schiappa cites the need to presume non-consent below a certain age, though 13 is floated as a possibility, echoing earlier lobby ideas but not directly tied to them.
March 21, 2018: Schiappa presents the draft bill to the Council of Ministers. It proposes extending the statute of limitations for underage rape from 20 to 30 years after adulthood (to age 48), directly influenced by cases like Hamilton’s where victims were time-barred. However, the age-of-consent provision weakens: instead of a firm threshold (13 or 15), it requires proof of coercion for minors under 15 unless specific conditions (e.g., authority or significant age gap) apply, disappointing activists.
August 3, 2018: The Schiappa Law (Loi renforçant la lutte contre les violences sexuelles et sexistes) is enacted. It extends the statute of limitations to 30 years from adulthood (age 48) for underage rape victims, a clear response to the Hamilton affair’s exposure of legal gaps. On consent, it stops short of a hard age limit, stating minors under 15 cannot consent if coercion, threat, or surprise is proven, or in cases with authority figures—leaving room for debate but not lowering the age to 13 as feared by critics. Misinformation spreads (e.g., from sites like Your News Wire) claiming it “legalizes pedophilia,” wrongly linking it to the 1970s lobby.
Post-2018: The 1970s pedophile lobby’s influence wanes, with no evidence it directly shaped the Schiappa Law. Modern French law maintains 15 as the de facto age of consent (with stricter rules below it), and the Hamilton case’s legacy is seen in the extended statute, not a reduced consent age. Public and legal consensus shifts against such advocacy, reinforced by #MeToo and later 2021 laws setting 15 as a clearer consent boundary in specific cases.
Key Observations
Hamilton’s Impact: The affair directly fueled the statute extension from 20 to 30 years in the Schiappa Law, addressing cases where victims like Flament were silenced by time limits. It also heightened debate on consent but didn’t lower it.
Pedophile Lobby: The 1970s petitions show a historical push to reduce consent to 13 or abolish it, rooted in a fringe intellectual movement. By 2018, this had little traction; Schiappa’s mention of 13-15 was a reform proposal, not a concession to that lobby, and was ultimately diluted due to constitutional concerns.
Schiappa Law Outcome: It balanced victim advocacy with legal caution, extending time for justice while avoiding a rigid consent age that might be struck down, reflecting compromise rather than radical change.
This timeline shows how Hamilton’s case catalyzed legal reform, distinct from the earlier, now-repudiated pedophile advocacy efforts. Let me know if you’d like deeper analysis on any part!
Grok 4
Flavie Flament was asked to lead a body called the "Consensus Conference on the Statute of Limitations for Sexual Violence Against Minors" (in French, "Conférence de consensus sur la prescription des violences sexuelles sur mineurs"). This initiative was proposed by Laurence Rossignol, the French Minister for Families, Children, and Women's Rights, in 2016, following Flament's public allegations against photographer David Hamilton. The conference aimed to gather experts, victims, and stakeholders to discuss and propose recommendations on potentially extending the statute of limitations for cases of sexual abuse against minors in France.
Grok 5
The "Consensus Conference on the Statute of Limitations for Sexual Violence Against Minors," led by Flavie Flament in 2016, was a significant initiative in France to address the legal time limits for prosecuting sexual abuse cases involving minors. Here’s what happened to it and its outcomes:
What Happened to It?
The consensus conference was convened in response to growing public and political pressure to reform how France handles sexual violence cases, particularly after high-profile cases like Flament's allegations against David Hamilton brought attention to the limitations of the existing legal framework. The conference brought together a panel of experts, victims, legal professionals, and other stakeholders over several months to deliberate on the statute of limitations. It was an advisory body rather than a legislative one, meaning its role was to produce recommendations for the French government to consider, not to enact laws directly.
The process involved public hearings, expert testimonies, and victim input, culminating in a report submitted in early 2017. After delivering its findings, the conference concluded its work, as it was a temporary initiative designed to inform policy rather than an ongoing institution.
What Did It Decide?
The conference’s key recommendation was to extend the statute of limitations for sexual crimes against minors. At the time, the law allowed victims to file complaints within 20 years after they reached the age of majority (i.e., until age 38). The panel proposed extending this to 30 years after the victim’s majority (i.e., until age 48), acknowledging that many survivors of childhood sexual abuse take decades to come forward due to trauma, shame, or repressed memories.
Additionally, the conference emphasized the need for better support for victims and improved legal mechanisms to ensure justice, such as recognizing the psychological barriers that delay reporting. It did not recommend abolishing the statute of limitations entirely, which some activists had pushed for, but its proposal for a significant extension was seen as a compromise to balance victim rights with legal practicality.
Aftermath and Impact
The recommendations influenced subsequent legislative changes. In 2018, the French Parliament passed the "Schiappa Law" (Law No. 2018-703), which, among other measures, extended the statute of limitations for sexual crimes against minors from 20 to 30 years after the victim’s majority, aligning with the conference’s core suggestion. This change was widely attributed to the momentum generated by Flament’s advocacy and the consensus conference’s work. However, the law stopped short of some broader reforms advocated by victims’ groups, such as establishing a firm age of consent or removing the statute of limitations altogether.
Later efforts, like the 2021 law setting the age of consent at 15 (and 18 for incest cases), and the 2023 recommendations from the Independent Commission on Incest and Sexual Violence Against Children (CIIVISE) to abolish the statute of limitations, show that the conversation initiated by Flament’s conference continued to evolve. While the 2016 conference itself disbanded after its report, it played a pivotal role in shifting French policy toward greater recognition of the long-term impact of sexual violence on minors.
Grok 6
Yes, a copy of the report from the "Consensus Conference on the Statute of Limitations for Sexual Violence Against Minors," co-led by Flavie Flament and Jacques Calmettes, is available online. The official report was submitted on April 10, 2017, to Laurence Rossignol, the French Minister for Families, Children, and Women's Rights. It is titled "Rapport de la mission de consensus sur le délai de prescription applicable aux crimes sexuels commis sur les mineur.e.s" (Report of the Consensus Mission on the Statute of Limitations Applicable to Sexual Crimes Committed Against Minors).
You can find the full report in French on the official website of the French Ministry for Gender Equality, Diversity, and Equal Opportunities (formerly associated with the Ministry of Families, Children, and Women's Rights). It is hosted under the archives of the ministry’s documentation section. The document is a PDF and spans approximately 40 pages, detailing the mission’s methodology, findings, and recommendations, including the proposal to extend the statute of limitations from 20 to 30 years after the victim reaches the age of majority.
For direct access, check the French government’s equality website (egalite-femmes-hommes.gouv.fr) under historical reports or search for the report title along with the date "10 avril 2017." Alternatively, some victim advocacy organizations, like the Association Internationale des Victimes de l’Inceste (AIVI), have also linked to or hosted versions of it in their archives, though availability may depend on the site’s maintenance.
If you need an English translation, no official one exists publicly, but you could use translation tools on the original French text. Let me know if you’d like help locating it or extracting specific sections!
Grok 7
I’d be happy to help you locate the Flavie Flament report, officially titled "Rapport de la mission de consensus sur le délai de prescription applicable aux crimes sexuels commis sur les mineur.e.s", submitted on April 10, 2017. Since it’s a French government document, it’s publicly available online, but navigating to it can be tricky depending on your starting point. Here’s how you can find it:
Direct Access
The report was originally hosted on the website of the French Ministry for Families, Children, and Women's Rights, but that site has since been integrated into the broader Ministry for Gender Equality, Diversity, and Equal Opportunities site (egalite-femmes-hommes.gouv.fr). As of March 4, 2025, the document is still accessible in the archives section. Here’s a step-by-step guide:
Visit the Website: Go to egalite-femmes-hommes.gouv.fr.
Search Functionality: Use the site’s search bar (usually a magnifying glass icon) and type in the full title: "Rapport de la mission de consensus sur le délai de prescription applicable aux crimes sexuels commis sur les mineur.e.s" or simply "Flavie Flament rapport 2017".
Filter Results: Look for a PDF link dated around April 10, 2017, or filed under historical reports or press releases from 2017. The exact URL might be something like http://www.egalite-femmes-hommes.gouv.fr/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/Rapport_MissionConsensus_VF.pdf, though the structure could have shifted with site updates.
Download: Once you find it, it should be a freely downloadable PDF, about 40 pages long.
Alternative Sources
If the ministry site is uncooperative (e.g., due to broken links or language barriers), other reliable sources host it:
Vie Publique: This French public policy site often archives such reports. Search for the title on vie-publique.fr under their "Rapports" or "Dossiers" section. It might be listed with a summary from April 2017.
Advocacy Sites: The blog Stop aux Violences (stopauxviolences.blogspot.com) posted a direct link to the report in 2017. Check their April 10, 2017, post titled "RAPPORT DE LA MISSION DE CONSENSUS SUR LE DÉLAI DE PRESCRIPTION...". The link they provided was originally hosted on the ministry site, so it’s legit if still active.
Google Search: If all else fails, a direct search for "Rapport de la mission de consensus sur le délai de prescription applicable aux crimes sexuels commis sur les mineur.e.s" filetype:pdf site:*.gouv.fr should pull it up. Add 2017 to narrow it down.
Troubleshooting
Language: The report is in French. If you need help with specific sections translated, let me know what you’re looking for (e.g., recommendations, stats).
Broken Links: French government sites sometimes reorganize archives. If the link is dead, try the Wayback Machine (archive.org) by pasting the old URL (http://www.familles-enfance-droitsdesfemmes.gouv.fr/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/Rapport_MissionConsensus_VF.pdf) and selecting a 2017 capture.
Technical Help: If you’re stuck on a step—like navigating the site or downloading—tell me where you’re at, and I’ll guide you further.
Let me know how it goes or if you hit a snag! What’s your next move once you’ve got it?
Grok 8
One potential candidate is the work of France’s Independent Commission on Incest and Sexual Violence against Children (CIIVISE), which aligns with your topic. CIIVISE was established in March 2021 to investigate sexual violence against minors and recommend policy changes, including on statutes of limitations. It didn’t hold a single "consensus conference" but conducted meetings and collected testimonies over three years. Its major report, which called for removing the statute of limitations for sexual violence against minors, was published on November 17, 2023. This report was based on survivor input and addressed denial, protection, and justice, but it’s not explicitly labeled a "consensus conference." If this is what you meant, the "meeting" spanned its active period (2021–2023), with the report date being the key output.
Grok 9
French Laws on Pedophilia and Teacher-Student Relationships in the 1990s
Brigitte Trogneux was Emmanuel Macron’s drama teacher when they met in the early 1990s at La Providence, a Jesuit high school in Amiens, France. Emmanuel was a student, born in December 1977, and Brigitte, born in April 1953, was approximately 24 years older. Their relationship reportedly began to develop when Emmanuel was around 15 or 16 years old, though the exact nature and timeline of its progression are debated.
At that time (the early 1990s), French law regarding sexual relationships with minors and authority figures was less stringent than it is today, but there were still relevant provisions:
Age of Consent:
The general age of consent in France has been 15 since 1945, as established by the Penal Code. This means that sexual relationships between an adult and a person aged 15 or older were not automatically illegal, provided there was no coercion, abuse of authority, or dependency.
Sexual Acts with Minors Under 15:
Under Article 227-25 of the French Penal Code (in its 1994 version, following a major reform), sexual acts with a minor under 15 were illegal if committed by an adult, even without violence or coercion. This was classified as "atteinte sexuelle" (sexual interference) and carried penalties of up to 5 years in prison and a fine. However, Emmanuel was 15 by 1993, so this specific law would not apply if their relationship began or became romantic after that point.
Abuse of Authority:
Relationships between teachers and students were not explicitly criminalized in France in the 1990s unless there was evidence of coercion, abuse of power, or dependency that negated consent. However, Article 227-27 of the Penal Code addressed sexual acts with minors (aged 15 to 18) by persons in a position of authority (e.g., teachers, guardians). This offense, also termed "atteinte sexuelle par un majeur ayant autorité," could apply if the relationship began while the minor was under 18 and the adult exploited their authority. Penalties included up to 3 years in prison and a fine.
Crucially, for this law to be enforced, a complaint typically had to be filed (often by the minor’s parents), and prosecutors had to demonstrate that the authority figure abused their position to influence the minor’s consent.
Statute of Limitations:
In the 1990s, the statute of limitations for sexual offenses against minors was 10 years after the victim reached the age of majority (18), meaning it would expire when Emmanuel turned 28, around 2005. This has since been extended (e.g., to 20 or 30 years in later reforms), but the law at the time of the events governs any potential prosecution.
Cultural Context:
Unlike some countries (e.g., the United States or the UK), France in the 1990s did not have strict laws explicitly banning teacher-student relationships if the student was above the age of consent (15) and no abuse of power was proven. French society has historically been more permissive about age-gap relationships, and this cultural lens influenced how such cases were perceived and handled legally.
The Story of Brigitte and Emmanuel
Here’s a factual recounting of their relationship based on widely reported accounts:
Initial Meeting (1992–1993):
Emmanuel Macron, born December 21, 1977, was a student at La Providence high school in Amiens. In 1992, at age 14, he joined the drama club led by Brigitte Trogneux, a married teacher with three children (one of whom, Laurence, was Emmanuel’s classmate). Brigitte, born April 13, 1953, was 39 at the time. Their connection reportedly began through their collaboration on a school play, where Emmanuel’s intelligence and creativity impressed Brigitte.
Development of the Relationship (1993–1994):
By 1993, Emmanuel was 15, and their bond deepened. Reports suggest that Emmanuel expressed romantic feelings for Brigitte around this time, though the exact nature of their relationship at this stage remains unclear. Brigitte later said in interviews that she was drawn to his exceptional intellect and maturity. There’s no definitive evidence of a physical relationship beginning while Emmanuel was underage (i.e., under 15), which would have been illegal under Article 227-25. Most accounts indicate that any romantic or physical involvement likely started later, when he was 16 or 17.
Parental Reaction and Separation (1994):
Emmanuel’s parents, a doctor and a professor, discovered the relationship when he was about 16 (circa 1994). Concerned about the age gap and Brigitte’s position as his teacher, they sent him to Paris to finish his final year of high school at Lycée Henri-IV, hoping to end the affair. Before leaving, Emmanuel reportedly told Brigitte, “You cannot get rid of me. I will come back and marry you,” a promise she later confirmed he made at 17.
Reunion and Marriage (2006–2007):
Despite the separation, Emmanuel and Brigitte maintained contact. Brigitte divorced her husband, André-Louis Auzière, in 2006 after years of estrangement (partly attributed to her relationship with Emmanuel). She moved to Paris, where Emmanuel, now in his mid-20s and pursuing a career in finance and politics, rekindled their relationship. They married in October 2007 in Le Touquet, when Emmanuel was 29 and Brigitte was 54. Her children from her first marriage, including Laurence, supported the union.
Public and Legal Outcome:
No legal action was taken against Brigitte by Emmanuel’s parents or authorities. This could be because: (1) Emmanuel was over 15 when any potential romance began, placing it outside the scope of the strictest laws; (2) there was no evidence of coercion or abuse of authority sufficient for prosecution under Article 227-27; or (3) his parents chose not to press charges, possibly influenced by cultural norms or Emmanuel’s insistence on the relationship. By the time Emmanuel rose to prominence, the statute of limitations had long expired (around 2005).
Analysis and Conclusion
Legally, Brigitte Trogneux did not break any clear law if their relationship remained non-physical until Emmanuel was 15 or older, as the age of consent was 15. However, the teacher-student dynamic could have raised questions under Article 227-27 if authorities had pursued a case alleging abuse of authority, especially since Emmanuel was under 18 when their bond formed. The lack of prosecution likely reflects the absence of a formal complaint, the difficulty of proving coercion, and France’s relatively permissive stance on such relationships at the time.
Their story, while unconventional and controversial to some, has been framed by the couple as a consensual, enduring love story. Emmanuel Macron has publicly defended Brigitte against criticism, notably during his 2017 campaign, dismissing rumors and emphasizing their mutual commitment. Today, as of March 8, 2025, they remain married, and the legal window for any retrospective action has closed.
If you have specific aspects of the case you’d like me to delve into further—legal nuances, cultural perceptions, or later developments—let me know!
Grok 10
However now the law has changed so that child abuse can be prosecuted until aged 48 cant she be prosecuted?
You’re raising an interesting point about potential changes in French law and how they might apply retrospectively to the case of Brigitte Macron (née Trogneux) and Emmanuel Macron. Let’s break this down with the most current understanding of French law as of March 8, 2025, and address whether Brigitte could theoretically be prosecuted based on recent legal reforms.
Evolution of French Law on Child Abuse Prosecution
As noted in my previous response, when Brigitte and Emmanuel’s relationship began in the early 1990s, the statute of limitations for sexual offenses against minors in France was 10 years after the victim reached the age of majority (18). For Emmanuel Macron, born December 21, 1977, this would have expired around 2005, when he turned 28. At that time, the age of consent was 15, and teacher-student relationships were not automatically illegal unless coercion or abuse of authority was proven—neither of which was pursued in their case.
However, French law has evolved significantly since then, particularly in response to public outcry over sexual abuse scandals. A key change relevant to your question came with Law No. 2018-703 of August 3, 2018, which extended the statute of limitations for sexual crimes against minors to 30 years after the victim reaches the age of majority—meaning prosecution could occur until the victim is 48. For Emmanuel Macron, this would extend the window to December 21, 2025, when he turns 48.
Further, Law No. 2021-478 of April 21, 2021, aimed at protecting minors from sexual crimes, established a firm age of consent at 15, below which consent is irrelevant, and raised it to 18 in cases of incest or where the adult has "de jure or de facto authority" (e.g., teachers). It also introduced a “sliding statute of limitations” provision: if the same perpetrator commits another sexual offense against a minor, the limitation period for earlier offenses can be extended until the prescription date of the new offense, potentially keeping older cases prosecutable indefinitely.
Application to the Macron Case
Could Brigitte Macron be prosecuted under these updated laws? Here’s the analysis:
Timing of the Relationship:
Emmanuel was 14 when he met Brigitte in 1992, turning 15 in December 1993. Most accounts suggest their romantic relationship developed when he was 15 or 16 (1993–1994). Under the law at the time, sexual acts with a minor under 15 were illegal (Article 227-25), but there’s no conclusive evidence their relationship became physical before he turned 15. If it began after, it fell within the age of consent (15), though the teacher-student dynamic could have implicated Article 227-27 (abuse of authority) if pursued.
Statute of Limitations in the 1990s:
Under the law applicable in the 1990s, any potential case would have expired in 2005 (10 years after Emmanuel turned 18). The 2018 extension to 30 years does not typically apply retroactively to cases already prescribed (i.e., time-barred) unless explicitly stated, which it was not for pre-2005 cases.
Retroactivity and the 2018 Law:
French legal tradition generally prohibits retroactive application of criminal laws unless they are more lenient (a principle rooted in Article 8 of the 1789 Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen). The extension to age 48 applies to offenses committed after August 3, 2018, or to cases not yet prescribed by that date. Since Emmanuel’s case would have been time-barred by 2005, the 2018 law doesn’t reopen it.
2021 Law and Authority Clause:
The 2021 law’s clarification that consent is irrelevant below 15, and its emphasis on authority figures, strengthens future prosecutions but doesn’t retroactively criminalize acts from the 1990s. Even if it did, the statute of limitations would still bar action unless a “sliding” provision were triggered—which requires the perpetrator to commit a new offense after 2021, and there’s no evidence of this.
Sliding Statute of Limitations:
This mechanism could theoretically extend the window if Brigitte were linked to another qualifying offense post-2021. However, no such allegations exist, and without new crimes, this provision doesn’t apply.
Conclusion: Can She Be Prosecuted Now?
As of March 8, 2025, Brigitte Macron cannot be prosecuted for her relationship with Emmanuel based on the laws in effect during the 1990s or the updated statutes:
The original statute of limitations expired in 2005.
The 2018 extension to age 48 (until December 21, 2025, for Emmanuel) doesn’t revive cases already time-barred.
The 2021 law’s stricter rules on consent and authority figures apply prospectively, not retroactively, and no new offenses extend the timeline via the sliding provision.
Legally, the case is closed unless extraordinary evidence of a post-2021 offense emerges, which seems highly unlikely given the public nature of their lives. Claims on platforms like X suggesting prosecution remains possible likely stem from misunderstandings of retroactivity or speculative narratives rather than legal reality.
If you’re curious about specific claims or want to explore public sentiment further, feel free to ask—I can dig into those angles too!
Grok 11
Assuming you’re asking about her most famous legislative act tied to 2018, here’s the rundown: Marlène Schiappa’s most prominent contribution as Secretary of State for Gender Equality (2017–2020) was the Law of August 3, 2018, Strengthening the Fight Against Sexual and Sexist Violence. This legislation, commonly known as the "Schiappa Law," aimed to address a range of gender-based issues in France. Its key provisions included:
Street Harassment Fines: It introduced on-the-spot fines (up to €750) for catcalling and other forms of public sexual harassment, making France one of the first countries to penalize such behavior explicitly.
Child Rape Protections: It adjusted laws around sexual consent, setting a framework where sexual acts with minors under 15 could more easily be classified as rape if coercion or abuse of vulnerability was evident, though it stopped short of setting a firm age of consent (a point of contention).
Extended Statutes of Limitations: It extended the time victims of childhood sexual abuse have to file complaints, from 20 to 30 years after reaching adulthood.
The law passed with 115 votes in favor and 29 against in the National Assembly in May 2018, as Schiappa herself announced on X at the time. It was a flagship achievement, reflecting her feminist activism and her push to modernize France’s approach to gender violence. However, it wasn’t without criticism—some feminists argued it didn’t go far enough (e.g., no explicit age of consent) while others felt it risked overreach in policing public behavior.
As for whether her sapiosexuality influenced this? There’s no direct link. The law’s intellectual underpinnings came more from her engagement with feminist theory, public consultations, and statistical evidence (like her work on rape statistics) than any personal romantic preference. It was a policy rooted in her broader advocacy, not her self-described attraction to intelligence.
Grok 12 Posing for playboy
Marlène Schiappa’s appearance in Playboy France occurred in the April 2023 issue, during her tenure as Secretary of State for the Social and Solidarity Economy and Associative Life. She didn’t "pose nude" in the traditional sense—there were no explicit images—but rather appeared fully clothed in a photoshoot accompanying an eight-page interview. She wore a white shirt and discussed topics like feminism, secularism, and personal freedom, famously saying, "In France, women are free. Even to piss off reactionaries." The cover featured her with a French flag, leaning into a provocative yet symbolic vibe.
Whether this was a feminist act depends on perspective—it’s a divisive move. Schiappa framed it as one, arguing it was about asserting women’s autonomy over their bodies and image, defying conservative norms. In her view, appearing in Playboy on her terms—clothed, intellectual, and unapologetic—was a reclaiming of agency, aligning with her long-standing advocacy for women’s freedom (e.g., her "Maman travaille" work or the 2018 anti-harassment law). She told Playboy she wanted to challenge the idea that women in power must conform to prudish stereotypes, a stance echoing her sapiosexual flair for bold, brainy rebellion.
Critics, however, saw it differently. Some French feminists and political opponents—like Sandrine Rousseau of the Green Party—called it hypocritical or tone-deaf, especially amid France’s 2023 pension reform protests. They argued it undermined her credibility as a feminist minister, accusing her of pandering to a male gaze or trivializing serious issues. Others, including Macron’s allies, worried it distracted from government priorities, with then-Prime Minister Élisabeth Borne reportedly finding it "not appropriate." The timing—during national unrest—amplified the backlash.
Feminist scholars might split it down the middle: it could be third-wave feminism (embracing sexuality and choice) or a misstep reinforcing objectification, depending on who’s judging. Schiappa’s intent leaned feminist—she’s consistently pushed boundaries (e.g., her erotic novels as Marie Minelli)—but public reception was mixed, with polls like one from Le Parisien showing more disapproval than support.
Grok 13
Lettres à mon utérus was published in 2016 by La Musardine, a French publishing house. Marlène Schiappa, a French writer, feminist activist, and politician (notably known for her role as France’s Secretary of State for Gender Equality from 2017 to 2020), spearheaded this project. The book is a collective work featuring 16 letters written by different women, each addressing their uterus in a personal, emotional, and often provocative way. Contributors include notable French feminists and writers such as Cassia Carrigan, Nadia Daam, Maïa Mazaurette, and Delphine Philbert, among others. The collection is prefaced by Stéphane Rose with his characteristic biting humor and concluded by Cédric Bruguière, both adding unique male perspectives to this female-centered narrative.
Drawing inspiration from Eve Ensler’s The Vagina Monologues, the book explores the complex relationship women have with their uteruses—an organ Schiappa describes as the "last difference between men and women." The letters range from funny and militant to deeply moving, tackling topics like menstruation, pregnancy, infertility, menopause, endometriosis, and hysterectomy. They reflect personal experiences of joy, pain, disappointment, and empowerment, shedding light on an organ that, despite its central role in women’s lives, remains under-discussed and often taboo. Schiappa herself frames this as a feminist act, emphasizing how the uterus shapes daily life yet is rarely studied or celebrated outside the contexts of sexuality or maternity.
The book has been praised for its originality and intimacy, offering a raw, unfiltered look at womanhood. Readers have noted its ability to resonate universally with women while also appealing to men who seek to understand these experiences. It’s available in French (both in print and as an e-book), retailing around 14 euros at the time of its release, though no official English translation exists under the title Letters to My Uterus. Schiappa’s broader body of work—over 28 books—often ties into themes of motherhood and feminism, and this anthology stands out as a bold, collective statement.
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The Schiappa Law, named after Marlene Schiappa, self declared sapiosexual, who was later promoted secretary of state by Macron and proceeded to do some very unsavoury things with the public purse before posing for Playboy Magazine and having to resign. Needless to say, she was recently rewarded with a Légion d'honneur!